I am not usually paying much attention to the patrons of the traditional harpers, because it is enough work for me to simply track down the harpers themselves, who they were and what they were doing.
However I want to try and pin down Mary Kellett of Cornashesk, because she is mentioned in an anecdote from Patrick Byrne in the early 19th century, and we need to date the anecdote, so as to fit it in to Patrick Byrne’s life story.
There is a fairly extensive family tree of the Kelletts of Cornashesk on Geni.com. We can see there that Mary Kellet’s dates are given as 1774-1835. Her husband, Charles Kellett of Cornashesk, is given as c.1760-1825. A whole load of children are also listed there, though I am not sure how reliable the information is – there are no citations of sources given. But this is a good starting point for us.
Fortwilliam House
The Kellett house in Cornashesk townland was Fortwilliam House. The First Edition OS map shows the house as two parallel buildings running approximately North-east to South-west; by the 1910-11 edition we see an L shaped house which looks like it might be what is there nowadays. I do not know if the earlier house was demolished and rebuilt, or if the original house survives within the later rebuildings. I am not finding any more information about the house, but you can see it on the aerial photograph, and you can catch a glimpse of it from the road.
(This South-west front is obviously part of the mid or late 19th century extension or rebuilding).
The first reference to Charles Kellett and his family I have seen is in Leet’s Directory, 1814, p132, which lists “Charles Kellet, Esq.” as resident at “Corna-sesk”, near Virginia, County Cavan.
The 1821 census
Although almost all of the pre-1900 Irish census returns are lost, there are surviving 1821 census returns from County Cavan. Our family is listed in house 1, a 2-storey house, in Cornashesk townland. The census return (online at the National Archive) lists fifteen people living in Charles Kellett’s house:
Names | Age | Occupation
Charles Kellett | 53 | Gentleman farmer
Mary his wife | 45 |
Robt his son | 26 | Chief Constable
James his son | 22 | High Constable
Eliza his daugr | 18 |
David his son | 13 |
Francis his daugr | 12 |
Leticia his daugr | 8 |
Margrit Byrne | 40 | Cook & dairy [md]
[Judith] Lynch | 30 | house servant
Margret McDermod | 8 | An orphan
John Clarke | 45 | Tailor
Michl Fitzsimons | 25 | stable boy
Philip his brother | 17 | kitchen boy
Bridget Fitzsimons | 18 | kitchen maid
Another column states that Charles Kellett held 150 acres. The column headed “Observations” is filled in beside Robert his son: “and Farmer hold 100 acres in the town land Cloughwelly Parish Mullaugh”.
Its my understanding that the census records who was staying at the house on a specific day (I am not sure of the exact day; perhaps 28 May 1821). So I think it is quite possible that the son Robert may have normally lived at Cloughbally townland which is a few miles south east. Presumably John Clarke did not normally live at the house, but may have been a peripatetic tailor who happened to be staying for a few days when the Census was taken.
Tithe Applotment book 1825
Not that it gives us very much information, but in the 1825 Tithe Applotment Books we can see Charles Kellett listed as holding 161 acres (I think these would be Irish acres, not the smaller English acres, so 161 acres would be about 106 hectares).
We can also see Robert Kellett (the oldest son) holding 80 acres in “Cloughwilly Upper” (i.e. Cloughbally upper) townland.
Death of Charles, 1825?
The Geni genealogy says that Charles Kellett died in 1825. I have not found any records of this, though.
Death of Mary, 1835
I found the death notice for Mary Kellett in the newspapers.
On the 5th inst. at Cornasesk, county Cavan, Mary, relict of the late Charles Kellett, Esq. in the 62nd year of her age.
Belfast Commercial Chronicle, Sat 14 Feb 1835 p3
Griffith 1856
In the Griffith Valuation of 1856 we can see the two big houses in Cornashesk townland. Plot 10 on the Valuation is the new Cornashesk House, held by the second son David. Plot 11 on the Valuation is the old Fortwilliam House, held by the oldest son Robert.
We also see Robert Kellett the oldest son holding 180 acres in Cloughbally Upper, consisting of a “herd’s house, office and land”, but he has let two houses out to tenants. So perhaps he never lived in Cloughbally after all.
Death of the oldest son Robert, 1861
The oldest son, Robert “of Fortwilliam”, died on 23 November 1861. You can see the record of his will online at the National Archives. His executor was his younger brother David “of Cornasesk” (i.e. Robert was living in his father’s house, and David was living in the new Cornashesk house). Unfortuantely the will calendars do not give ages, and I have not found a death notice for Robert.
Summary of the family
So in summary, Charles Kellet appears to have been born c.1760, though this is unsourced and a bit vague.
His wife Mary was born between 1773 and 1776, according to the ages given in the Census and in her death record. The Geni listing for her says she was born in 1774 but this is not sourced.
The Geni listing for their oldest son Robert says he was born c.1796, though again this is not sourced. His age in the census would suggest he was born in 1794-5. Mary would have been about 20; Charles would have been in his early 30s.
The youngest child in the census is Leticia aged 8, so she would have been born in 1812-13. Her mother Mary would have been in her late 30s.
This all seems very reasonable, if we believe the ages in the census; often we take these ages in official records with a pinch of salt, but the ages here seem to fit together nicely. The Geni tree has the names of other children who don’t appear on the census: Catherine born 1802, an unnamed daughter born 1808, and four unnamed sons. I suppose it is possible that the unnamed sons are spurious, Catherine would have been 19 in 1821 and could maybe have already been away married. Perhaps the unnamed daughter is Leticia, with the ages somehow mismatched.
Patrick Byrne’s visit
The traditional Irish harper, Patrick Byrne, visited Mary Kellett at Fortwilliam House at some point. He tells us about this in a wonderful letter he wrote to the newspaper in 1844. I already discussed the 1844 context for this letter in my previous post Patrick Byrne part 4: 1841-4.
However the whole reason for this post trying to work out the family’s ages and dates is because Patrick Byrne’s sums don’t add up. I don’t believe his statement about when he was there; and so I am trying to work out when he might have visited.
Here’s what he has to say about his visit there:
TO THE EDITOR OF THE NORTHERN STANDARD
Northern Standard, Sat 14 Dec 1844 p2
——
SONG OF THE EXILE OF ERIN
DEAR SIR – With much interest I have heard read to me the able advocacy of an Irishman’s claim to the authorship of that most beautiful of songs, The Exile of Erin, lately put forward in the columns of your excellent journal.
Perhaps, you would permit me to intrude on you and the public a circumstance which, though it may not be decisive in establishing the song as the offspring of Irish genius, may yet add to the very many and powerful facts, as yet uncontroverted ones, which have been adduced by those whose right and duty it is to be interested; and, indeed, every Irishman should claim that right.
It is now twenty-four years ago, since I had the honor and pleasure of being acquainted with the family of Charles Kellet, Esq., of Cornashesk, County Cavan. Mrs. Kellett, whose maiden name was Bell, was a lady of much musical and poetical genius; and the merits and demerits of authors and composers formed much of our conversation. I recollect on one occasion playing to her on my harp the entrancing air of The Exile of Erin, and at the time remarking how much credit was due to Campbell for such an effusion. She immediately said “you and many others are under a mistake, with regard to the authorship of that song: it is injustice to say that it is Campbell’s; the true author of it is George Nugent Reynolds, of Lough Scurr.” Mrs. Kellet, in talking over the matter, told me that at the time of its composition, she was the intimate friend of the Reynolds’s family; nay, more – that Reynolds was a wooer of hers; and that, of her own personal knowledge, she knew him to be the author of that song, and many other beautiful ones, which she used to sing for me at the time; and nothing could annoy her more than to argue that Campbell was the author.
Now, sir, that is twenty-four years since; Mrs. Kellet was at that time the mother of a large and fine family; the eldest of whom was then fourteen years old. This would bring us within six years of the period at which the song was written – a space easy to recollect over; and I have no doubt but that the period from Reynolds’s death to the marriage of Mrs. Bell to Mr. Kellet, would be found to occupy the six years in question. This could easily be ascertained, and if it brought us past 1801, it would, in my humble opinion, put the matter beyond all further dispute:
With many thanks for your kind consideration, I am, your very grateful and obliged servant,
PATRICK BYRNE, Irish Harper.
(We feel much pleasure in publishing Mr. Byrne’s letter, as it of itself conveys with it a sort of freemasonry on the subject. Mr. Byrne is at present stopping in Monaghan. We believe he has been, for the last five weeks, at the hospitable mansion of C. P. Leslie, Esq., M.P., Glasslough, and leaves here in a few days for for Lough Fea, the residence of E. J. Shirley, Esq., M.P.)
Patrick Byrne’s sums
At first sight this looks very straightforward and well worked out. Patrick Byrne was writing in December 1844. He says he was acquainted with the family “twenty-four years” before, i.e. in 1820. He says that then, Mrs Kellett had a large family, and the oldest “was then fourteen years old”, which would imply the oldest child was born in 1806. He says “This would bring us within six years of the period at which the song was written”, implying that the song was written about 1800 (which I think is a reasonable guess for the actual date of composition of the song).
Byrne finishes “I have no doubt but that the period from Reynolds’s death to the marriage of Mrs. Bell to Mr. Kellet, would be found to occupy the six years in question. This could easily be ascertained, and if it brought us past 1801, it would, in my humble opinion, put the matter beyond all further dispute”.
George Nugent Reynolds, the composer of the song, actually died in 1802, so Byrne is pretty spot on with his calculations – he is thinking the song was composed in about 1800 or 1801, when he supposes Nugent was courting Miss Bell; he thinks Miss Bell married Charles Kellett in about 1805-6, when their oldest child was born, and he thinks that this child was 14 years old when Byrne visited the family in 1820.
However, as you can see from the information I presented earlier, none of this matches what the other sources tell us about the family.
Possible corrections
I can think of two possible ways that we could understand Byrne’s account.
The first and obvious idea is that Byrne was wrong about the age of the oldest son. If we take everything else at face value, Byrne is saying he was at Fortwilliam House in 1820, the year before the census; and so Robert would have been 25; James would have been 21; Elizabeth would have been 17; David would have been 12; Francis would have been 11, and Leticia would have been 7. This would certainly count as a “large family”.
I suppose it is possible that Robert, James and Elizabeth were all away from home in 1820, and that Mary never told Patrick Byrne that she had three older children, and that Byrne mistakenly thought that 12 year old David was the oldest, and then thought Mary was younger than she really was, and so on. But this seems to be pushing it, to me. It is also possible that Byrne just totally made up or misremembered the age of 14.
The other idea is that Patrick Byrne was actually there not 24 years previous to writing the letter, but much earlier; perhaps even 34 years previous. Then he would be remembering a visit in about 1810. The oldest son Robert would have been about 14 to 16 years old, as Byrne describes. And then in his reminiscence of 1844 Byrne must have really believed that it was only 24 years previously not 34 years.
Either way, we know that at least one of these figures is wrong. Either the 24 years ago is wrong, or the age 14 is wrong, or, of course, both might be wrong. But they can’t both be correct.
Fitting these possible dates in to Patrick Byrne’s timeline
Neither 1810 nor 1820 is very satisfactory for fitting into Patrick Byrne’s timeline. This time period is covered by my write-up, Patrick Byrne part 1.
In 1820 we have solid documentary evidence that Patrick Byrne was a full time student at the Harp School in Cromac Street, Belfast, under the teacher Edward McBride. The Harp Society records state that Patrick Byrne entered the school on 21st February 1820 as a day pupil; on 26th May 1820 he moved in to the Harp Society House as a boarding pupil. He is listed as a pupil in the two reports we have from this time period, 8th Aug 1820 and 20th August 1821. He was finally discharged with a certificate and a harp on 14th May, 1822.
We don’t have documentary evidence for what Patrick Byrne was doing in 1810. We have traditionary accounts that he studied the harp under Arthur O’Neil. This was likely at the Harp School in Pottinger’s Entry, Belfast. We have a list of pupils from 2 Jan 1810, which does not include Patrick Byrne; but there were vacancies from June 1810 and so it is possible that Patrick Byrne entered the school then and started his studies. The school was in decline and was wound up about the summer of 1812, after which all of the pupils were sent to the country to make their own living by playing the harp.
We also have traditionary information that “…Between the years 1812 and 1820 Byrne acquired a great local reputation as a Harper…” Unfortunately this is from the ever-unreliable Grattan Flood, yet it fits with the other information we have.
Patrick Byrne tells us in his 1844 letter that when he was at Fortwilliam House visiting Mary Kellett, he was “playing to her on my harp”, which suggests to me that he had already finished his studies under Arthur O’Neil. I don’t think he would have been out playing for patrons as early as December 1810, but he could well have been by the end of 1811 or 1812. In fact I would think that based on what we know about his early years, he could have been at Fortwilliam House playing for Mary Kellett any time between perhaps 1811-12 through to January 1820. If we are obsessed about there being a 14 year old child in the house we could imagine James aged 14 in about 1815, or Elizabeth being 14 in about 1817. Perhaps this is a red herring.
I think it is possible that the harp school gave the pupils vacations, and it is possible that Patrick Byrne went to Fortwilliam House for example at Christmas 1820, on a short break from his studies in Belfast. But I may be wrong here, the pupils may not have been permitted to go out visiting and performing before they finished their studies. It is of course possible that Byrne was at Fortwilliam House after he was discharged from the harp school in May 1822.
At the moment I am leaning to the earliest part of this time period, that Byrne may have under-estimated how long ago his visit was, that he may have gone to Fortwilliam straight after finishing his studies under Arthur O’Neil in Belfast in 1811 or 1812. But this is very speculative, many other different explanations are possible, and in the absence of more data form other sources I don’t think it is possible to know. All I would like to say at this point is that Patrick Byrne seems to have been at Fortwilliam House visiting Mary Kellett at some point between when we think he may have finished his studies under Arthur O’Neil in about 1811-12, and the early 1820s, either before, during or after his time at the Cromac Street harp school.
Conclusion: Mary Kellett
The letter is obviously a fascinating and important source for understanding Patrick Byrne – it gives us his own voice, his attitude, the way the thought, his own recollection of his conversations and interactions with a patron, his priorities and his motivations. And (if we could only date the episode!) it gives us a window into an early and little documented era of his professional life.
But actually it is also very important as a source for the life of Mary Kellett. We are told that before her marriage she was Miss Mary Bell; but perhaps most interestingly we are told that she was wooed by George Nugent Reynolds. If Mary Bell married Charles Kellett around 1795, then this must date Reynolds’s unsuccessful wooing of her to before then. Reynolds was born c.1770, so he was a few years older than Mary Bell (born between 1773 and 1776). He would have been perhaps in his early 20s; she would have been perhaps around 20 years old give or take a few years. He started having his poetry published around 1790, but he did not really get going until after Mary Bell married Charles Kellett. Poor George Nugent Reynolds never married; he left Ireland in 1801 and died in England the following year.
We also get the lovely vignette of Mary Kellett sitting at home at Fortwilliam House, singing songs to the visiting harper, and earnestly discussing “the merits and demerits of authors and composers”.